Are Kings Born to It?
The Captain in the Rain
In the tenth month, on the wuyin day, the new emperor proclaimed a general amnesty — the formal beginning of his reign. He toured east, accompanied by Li Si, and stopped at every monument his father had built — Mount Jie Shi, Mount Tai, Mount Kuaiji — and had his own ministers' names re-inscribed alongside his father's, so that the glory of the late Emperor would be augmented by the loyalty of those who followed him.
The chronicle notes it in a single sentence. The grief was theater. The empire's collapse had already started.
In the seventh month of autumn, a man from Yangcheng named Chen Sheng and a man from Yangxia named Wu Guang were among nine hundred conscripts being marched to the northern frontier at Yuyang for garrison duty. They were captains of one of the squads.
The skies opened. The road washed out. The party was halted at a place called Daze Township, in the Qi district. The conscripts had crossed the threshold of legal-arrival time.
Under Qin law, late arrival to assigned conscription duty was punishable by death.
Chen Sheng spoke to Wu Guang and they understood the same thing.
Even if they did not behead us for being late, six or seven out of every ten of us who go on to the frontier will die there anyway. And if a man is going to die, he might as well die for a great name. Are kings, ministers, generals, and dukes born to be such? Or were they not all common men, once?
王侯將相寧有種乎.
The men with him agreed.
They killed the two officers escorting them. They forged a proclamation in the name of Crown Prince Fusu (whose death by Zhao Gao's forged edict was rumor, not yet public knowledge) and the late Chu general Xiang Yan — a Chu hero loved by every soldier who had served against Wang Jian. They built an earthen altar, swore an oath, and declared themselves the Great Chu. Chen Sheng made himself General; Wu Guang, Captain.
They took Daze Township the same afternoon. They took the city of Qi the next morning. They sent a deputy named Ge Ying east to subdue the cities of Zhi, Zan, Ku, Zhe, and Qiao — five cities surrendered without a fight. The rebellion gathered men village by village. By the time they reached Chen — the old capital of fallen Chu — they had six or seven hundred chariots, more than a thousand cavalry, and tens of thousands of foot soldiers.
The Qin governor of Chen was away. The Qin colonel of Chen was away. Only the deputy governor met them at the Qiao Gate. He fought. He died.
Chen Sheng entered Chen and made it his capital. He proclaimed himself King — King of Zhang Chu (Magnified Chu).
The chronicle records this in a single paragraph.
A law that makes every infraction capital makes every infractor a rebel.
The Qin law that conflated "late by a day" with "death" was a Legalist masterpiece. It eliminated discretion. It made every officer's job mechanical. It also eliminated the gap between minor misconduct and major rebellion — both ended in execution, so a peasant who was late had nothing to lose by becoming an insurgent instead. Chen Sheng did the arithmetic in the rain. The empire's most rigid feature became the lever that broke it. The lesson is older than the Qin: cruelty without proportion converts your subjects' mistakes into your subjects' opposition.
The Six Kingdoms Resurrected
The news from Chen reached every former kingdom within weeks. The rebellion was no longer about Daze Township; it was about whether the old states — the kingdoms Qin had spent twenty-five years extinguishing — could be raised again.
A Chu man named Zhou Shi moved north into the old Wei lands and proposed installing the surviving Wei prince Wei Jiu — who was at Chen Sheng's court — as King of Wei. The Wei nobles wanted Zhou Shi himself to take the throne; he refused five times. The chaos of the world reveals loyal ministers. Now the whole world has turned against Qin — by righteousness, only after a Wei king is installed can we proceed. Wei Jiu was eventually sent for, formally enthroned. Zhou Shi became his chancellor.
In Qi, three nobles of the old Tian clan rose and reinstalled the royal line: Tian Dan as King of Qi, his cousin Tian Rong at his right hand, his other cousin Tian Heng in command.
In Zhao, two officers of Chen Sheng's army — Wu Chen, Zhang Er, and Chen Yu — were sent to subdue the former Zhao lands. Wu Chen, finding the territory more receptive than expected, proclaimed himself King of Zhao. Chen Sheng was furious but could do nothing about it from Chen.
In Yan, an officer named Han Guang repeated the maneuver: proclaimed himself King of Yan.
Within six months of the captain's revolt at Daze, the empire had six pretender kings on its territory.
The last item of 209 BC, recorded as an afterthought: In this year, the Second Emperor demoted the Lord of Wei to a commoner; Wei's ritual sacrifices ended. The tiny Wey state, which had survived Spring and Autumn, Warring States, and the Qin conquest by being too small to bother absorbing, was finally written off the books — at the exact moment the larger empire was coming apart.
Zhang Han Restores Order — Briefly
In the tenth month of winter, the Inspector of Sichuan led troops to surround the Duke of Pei at the city of Feng. The Duke broke the siege and counterattacked, leaving his lieutenant Yong Chi to hold Feng. In the eleventh month, the Duke moved his army to Xue.
The Duke of Pei — Liu Bang, a village constable from Pei — had risen on the rebellion's first wave and now commanded a small army of several thousand. He would be heard from again.
In the same months: the Qin court finally responded militarily. The captain of the cavalry Zhou Wen — one of Chen Sheng's first dispatched generals — had marched all the way to the Hangu Pass with a hundred thousand men. Bai Qi was dead; Wang Jian was dead; the empire had no field army on the eastern front.
The Second Emperor authorized the desperate measure: the Director of Granaries, Zhang Han, was commissioned to release the convicts from the imperial works projects and form them into the empire's last army.
Zhang Han, given pardoned tomb-builders, palace laborers, and convict-conscripts, marched out of Xianyang and drove Zhou Wen's army out of the pass. Zhou Wen retreated to Caoyang, held out two months, was defeated; retreated to Mianchi, held out ten days, was defeated; cut his own throat. The army surrendered without a further fight.
The Qin court had its general.
Li Si Writes a Letter
The Second Emperor was angry. Repeatedly he summoned Li Si and demanded: You occupy the Three Lord ministerial office. How is it that bandits run loose like this?
Li Si was frightened. He had spent his life in the chancellor's seat; he could not imagine losing it. He wrote a letter to the Emperor explaining his position. The letter is one of the most cynical surviving documents of the Qin period. Stripped down:
A wise ruler is one who knows how to apply oversight and punishment. Master Shen said: "To possess the world and not indulge oneself — that is to make the world a yoke around one's neck." This is because the ruler who is unable to oversee and punish, who instead exhausts his own body for the people — like Yao and Yu — is not master of the world but its servant. Why is that worth honoring?
Therefore a wise lord uses oversight and punishment to decide alone from above. Power does not fall to subordinates. Then he can erase the path of benevolence and righteousness, cut off the words of persuasive remonstrants, freely follow the indulgences of his own heart, and no one dares oppose him. With this in place, ministers and commoners can barely save themselves from their own mistakes — how would they dare scheme rebellion?
The Emperor was delighted. He intensified oversight and punishment. The official who taxed the people heaviest was praised as a competent administrator. The official who killed the most people was praised as a loyal minister. Half the people on the roads were criminals under sentence. Corpses piled up daily in the marketplace. The people of Qin grew yet more terrified — and yet more eager for change.
The minister who would rather harden the regime than admit it is failing makes the regime impossible to save.
Li Si had options. He could have told the Emperor that the bandits were the empire's own subjects responding to its own laws, that the Daze captain's calculation was correct, that the law needed loosening rather than tightening. He could have proposed an amnesty for the conscripted convicts; even a modest one would have purchased six months of breathing room. Instead he wrote a letter arguing for more terror. The terror produced more bandits. The bandits produced more terror. The chancellor who had won the commandery debate in 221 BC by arguing against eternal feudal rebellion now produced exactly the eternal rebellion he had warned against — and he produced it by trying to preserve his own seat. The most reliable behavior of the senior official whose institution is failing is to harden it further. That hardening is usually the institution's final cause of death.
Chen Sheng Dies
Chen Sheng — the captain who started everything — was now a king. He had been a king for six months. The kingdom of Zhang Chu was held together by men he had appointed without knowing.
His chronicle is short. After he settled into his palace at Chen, his old friends came to visit him. They told stories of their shared poverty — the days before the rebellion, when he had been a poor farm laborer who once said if I am ever rich, I will not forget you. The conversation went on in the courtyard.
A courtier whispered to Chen Sheng: Your guests are foolish and ignorant. They speak too freely. They diminish the dignity of your kingship.
Chen Sheng had the guests killed.
After that, no one from his old life would visit him. His circle narrowed to Zhu Fang as Chief of Surveillance and Hu Wu as Inspector of Errors. These two officials had a single function: to detect ministers' faults and prosecute them. Generals returning from successful campaigns would be detained the moment their reports failed to satisfy. The generals stopped reporting honestly. The chronicle is direct: the generals were not loyal to him because of this — this was why he failed.
In the twelfth month of winter, Chen Sheng went west to Ruyin. Returning eastward, at a place called Xiacheng-fu, his own charioteer Zhuang Jia killed him and surrendered to Qin.
The captain who had asked Are kings, ministers, and generals born to be such? — the man whose six-month rising had brought down the empire's facade of total control — was murdered by his driver eight months after declaring himself king. The man who had set the world on fire could not keep a palace.
The Xiang Clan Rises in Wu
A messenger sent from Chen Sheng's court — a man named Zhao Ping — arrived in Guangling and learned the king had died. He forged a Chen Sheng decree and crossed the Yangtze River.
He found Xiang Liang, the son of the Chu general Xiang Yan who had been killed by Wang Jian in 224 BC. Xiang Liang had fled to Wu (the lower Yangtze region, around modern Suzhou) after his father's death and had been quietly cultivating a network of retainers for sixteen years.
Zhao Ping delivered the forged decree: Xiang Liang is appointed Senior Pillar of the State of Chu. The river country is settled. Move west at once and strike Qin.
Xiang Liang took the decree, gathered his eight thousand men, and crossed the Yangtze westward.
His nephew was a tall young man with doubled pupils — a physical feature the chronicle marks as the sign of imperial fate. The young man was Xiang Yu, twenty-four years old. He had been raised by his uncle since his father's death; he was a head taller than other men, could lift bronze tripods, and had memorized military texts for three months as a teenager before declaring them too constraining and giving them up. He had killed his first man at age twenty-two — the Qin governor of Kuaiji, whom Xiang Liang had murdered as their opening strike. The two of them were now the senior military authority of the Yangtze region.
They picked up a Chu loyalist warlord named Chen Ying at Dongyang who had been about to be acclaimed king by his men. Chen Ying's mother refused the offer: We have never had a noble ancestor. To rise suddenly is unlucky. Better to attach ourselves to a great clan. Chen Ying offered his army to Xiang Liang. The Xiang force grew to sixty or seventy thousand.
A southern warlord named Ying Bu — a former convict-soldier whose face had been branded by Qin law — brought his army to Xiang Liang as well. The Xiang clan now commanded the largest rebel force in the realm.
They marched on Xiajiang.
Liu Bang Meets Zhang Liang
In the same span: Liu Bang, the Duke of Pei, had been struggling against the city of Feng — his own former garrison commander Yong Chi had defected to Wei. He moved to Liu to join with another rebel faction, the followers of Jing Ju who had recently been proclaimed king of Chu in Chen Sheng's absence.
On the road from Liu, the Duke of Pei encountered a man traveling with about a hundred young men. The traveler was Zhang Liang — the Han loyalist whose iron hammer had missed the First Emperor's carriage at Bolang Sha eleven years earlier. He had been moving toward Jing Ju as well.
The two men met on the road. They spoke. Zhang Liang offered to attach himself to the Duke of Pei rather than to Jing Ju. He was given the position of Master of the Horse.
Zhang Liang began teaching the Duke of Pei the Six Tao — the strategic text attributed to Tai Gong (Lu Shang), founder of Qi a thousand years earlier. The Duke of Pei listened, understood, and used Zhang Liang's counsels in his campaigns. Zhang Liang tried the same teachings on other commanders; they did not understand. He said:
The Duke of Pei is heaven-given. (沛公殆天授.)
He attached himself to Liu Bang and did not leave.
The chronicle preserves this meeting as a single paragraph in 208 BC. Within nine years, this same pair — the village constable and the iron-hammer plotter — would found the Han dynasty.
The recruiter who finds you the right strategist saves you twenty years of mistakes.
Liu Bang was a competent fighter. Zhang Liang was an exceptional planner. Liu Bang would later cite Zhang Liang as one of the three reasons he beat Xiang Yu: "In strategy at a thousand miles, I cannot compare to Zhang Liang." The Duke of Pei was useful to the rebellion before meeting Zhang Liang. After the meeting, he was destined for the throne. Most great careers turn on the unplanned meeting with the one person who can supply the missing skill — and the great careers belong to the people who recognize, in the first half-hour of conversation, that this is that person.
The Chu Pretender, and the Real Xiang Liang
A rebel faction at the city of Liu had installed a man named Jing Ju as King of Chu to fill the vacancy after Chen Sheng's death. Xiang Liang considered him an illegitimate pretender — Chen Sheng's death had not been confirmed, and one did not appoint a successor king to an emperor who might still be alive.
Xiang Liang attacked Jing Ju's army. Qin Jia — Jing Ju's general — fought one day and was killed. The pretender king Jing Ju fled and died in the Liang region. The faction surrendered.
Xiang Liang now commanded all the Chu-region rebel forces — Chen Sheng's surviving remnants, Jing Ju's defectors, his own clan, Chen Ying's men, Ying Bu's, and the smaller warlords. He installed Heart of Chu — the actual grandson of King Huai of Chu, found herding sheep — as King Huai of Chu, taking his grandfather's name to legitimize the claim.
Heart of Chu would be the figurehead. Xiang Liang would run the state.
Zhao Gao Locks the Emperor Away
Inside Xianyang, the chief eunuch Zhao Gao — who held the most-favored seat after Li Si's letter convinced the Emperor of his expendability — had a parallel problem. Zhao Gao had killed many people by exploiting palace audiences. The senior ministers, when allowed to address the throne directly, would inevitably report his crimes.
Zhao Gao went to the Emperor with a solution:
The reason the Son of Heaven is exalted is that he is heard but not seen. Yet Your Majesty is young; you cannot possibly know every administrative matter. If you sit in court and rule wrongly on a single matter, the ministers see your error. This is not how to project divine authority. Better to remain in the inner palace, with me and the privy ministers who know the law. When matters arise, we will handle them. Then the ministers will not dare bring trivial concerns, and the world will call Your Majesty a sage ruler.
The Emperor accepted. He stopped holding court. He retreated to the inner palace. Zhao Gao took over the actual administration of the empire.
Every matter passed through the eunuch. The Emperor became a rumor.
Xiang Liang Loses
The campaign continued. Xiang Liang defeated Zhang Han's army at Dongʼe, marched west, and defeated Zhang Han again at Dingtao. Xiang Yu and Liu Bang together defeated a Qin force at Yongqiu and killed the Qin general Li You (Li Si's son). Xiang Liang began to take Qin lightly. He showed pride.
Song Yi — a senior Xiang Liang officer who had once warned his commander's predecessors against complacency — said:
A general who is proud after victory, with troops who are slack, will be defeated. Now your soldiers are growing slack and the Qin army grows daily larger. I fear for the commander.
Xiang Liang did not listen. He sent Song Yi away on a mission to Qi.
On the road, Song Yi met a Qi envoy and said: I conclude that your Lord Xiang's army will be defeated. Travel slowly and you will avoid the danger. Travel fast and you will meet the disaster.
The Second Emperor mobilized every remaining soldier in Qin and reinforced Zhang Han. Zhang Han attacked the Xiang army at Dingtao.
Xiang Liang died on the battlefield.
Zhang Han's reasoning was now: Chu has no general worth fearing. He crossed the Yellow River north and turned his army against Zhao.
The Zhao king Xie and his chief minister Zhang Er fled into the walled city of Julu. The Qin general Wang Li — grandson of Wang Jian — encircled them. Chen Yu, with the surviving Zhao army of several tens of thousands, camped north of Julu but did not dare engage. Zhao sent emergency letters south to Chu begging for help.
This is where 208 BC ends. The pivotal year of the volume.
Xiang Yu Crosses the Yellow River
In the tenth month of winter, the Qi general Tian Du rebelled against his commander Tian Rong and went south to help Chu rescue Zhao.
The Duke of Pei broke the Eastern Commandery garrison at Chengwu and continued probing west.
At the Chu court at Pengcheng, the question was now: who commands the relief army marching north to rescue Zhao?
Song Yi — who had warned Xiang Liang against complacency and had been proven right by Xiang Liang's death — was appointed as Senior Commander. Xiang Yu was made his deputy. The army marched north.
Song Yi reached Anyang and stopped for forty-six days.
Xiang Yu came to him.
Qin has Zhao surrounded. We must cross the Yellow River urgently. We attack from outside; Zhao responds from inside; the Qin army is crushed between us. It is certain.
Song Yi: Not so. A horsefly attacking a buffalo cannot kill the lice on the buffalo's skin. Let Qin fight Zhao. If Qin wins, Qin will be tired and we strike them tired. If Qin loses, we march west drumming and take Qin without a fight. Better to let Qin and Zhao fight first. In wearing armor and wielding weapons, you are my superior. In sitting back and planning, I am yours.
Song Yi issued an order: Any officer fierce as a tiger, stubborn as a ram, greedy as a wolf, strong but unmanageable — execute him.
He sent his own son Song Xiang to be installed as chancellor of Qi, escorted the boy personally to the city of Wuyan, and held a great banquet for his departure. Wine, food, music. The Qi delegation drank with him.
The weather was cold. Heavy rain. Xiang Yu's soldiers, camped outside, were freezing and starving. They ate half a measure of beans daily; there were no granaries; there was no advance.
Xiang Yu, on the morning following the banquet, walked into Song Yi's tent. He drew his sword. He cut off Song Yi's head.
He held the head up before the assembled officers.
Song Yi was conspiring with Qi to betray Chu. King Huai of Chu has secretly ordered me to execute him.
The officers were terrified. The Xiang family began this war. The general's death by your hand is the correct ending.
They acclaimed Xiang Yu as Senior Commander. King Huai of Chu, when informed, confirmed the appointment.
Xiang Yu crossed the Yellow River.
He ordered every soldier to carry three days' rations.
He broke the cauldrons. He sank the boats. (破釜沉舟.)
There was no path home. Forward or death.
Xiang Yu encircled Wang Li's army at Julu, cut off its supply lines, broke through nine times in nine battles, killed the Qin general Su Jiao, captured Wang Li, and killed his lieutenant She Jian. The Qin army outside Julu was completely broken.
The chronicle marks this in a few lines. The battle of Julu is one of the most decisive engagements in Chinese history — the moment the Qin imperial military, in being for forty years, stopped existing as an effective force.
Xiang Yu received the surrender of the surrounding rebel armies. They knelt and approached his tent on their knees, none daring to look up. He was twenty-six years old. He was now the supreme commander of the post-Qin world.
Breaking the cauldrons is a logistics decision and a psychological decision.
Xiang Yu's army at Julu was outnumbered and exhausted. Their morale, after Song Yi's forty-six-day delay, was at its lowest point of the war. Xiang Yu solved both problems with one act. By sinking the boats and breaking the cooking pots, he eliminated the option of retreat — which meant his men knew the only way to eat dinner was to win battles. The decision was theatrically harsh but it was also resource-rational: three days' rations carried forward, no resources wasted holding logistics in reserve, every soldier psychologically committed. The moment a commander manufactures a situation in which retreat is impossible, the operational calculus of his army changes. Men who must win, sometimes do.
Zhang Han Surrenders
The Qin court was inconsolable. The Emperor — through Zhao Gao — sent envoys to upbraid Zhang Han. Zhang Han, frightened, sent his chief of staff Sima Xin to Xianyang to request reinforcements.
Sima Xin reached Xianyang. He waited outside the chancellor's gate three days. Zhao Gao would not see him. Sima Xin understood. He fled back to the army by a different road. Zhao Gao sent men to assassinate him on the original road; they missed.
Sima Xin reached Zhang Han's tent and reported:
Zhao Gao runs the court. There is no one below him to act with. If we win, he will resent our success and destroy us; if we lose, he will execute us for failure. General, consider this carefully.
A separate letter arrived from the Zhao general Chen Yu. Stripped down:
Bai Qi was the great Qin general. He took the south, slaughtered armies at Changping. He was ordered to commit suicide. Meng Tian was the great Qin general. He drove out the Xiongnu, opened up Yuzhong, extended the realm by thousands of li. He was beheaded at Yangzhou. Why? Because their merit could not be rewarded by Qin within Qin's existing institution, so Qin invoked the law to execute them. Now General, you have been Qin's commander for three years. Your losses number in the hundreds of thousands. The lords have all risen against Qin. Zhao Gao has flattered the Emperor for years; now things are urgent, and he fears for his own neck. He will use the law to execute you in order to deflect blame and replace you. General, look at the future. Inside Qin you cannot remonstrate honestly; outside Qin you are a general of a dying dynasty. You stand alone, hoping to survive forever — is that not tragic? Why not turn your army around and join the lords against Qin? Divide the empire among yourselves, sit ruling in your own state, facing south as a king. Better than the executioner's block, your wife and children destroyed.
Zhang Han read the letter. He thought for some weeks. He sent envoys to Xiang Yu to negotiate surrender.
Zhang Han surrendered with his entire army. Xiang Yu accepted. Qin's last field force was now under the supreme commander of the rebellion.
Pointing at a Deer
Inside Xianyang, Zhao Gao had a final problem. He wanted to be Emperor himself. Before he made the move, he had to test which courtiers would oppose him.
He brought a deer to court and presented it to the Emperor.
A horse, Your Majesty.
The Emperor laughed. The chancellor is mistaken — that is a deer.
He asked the assembled courtiers.
Some were silent. Some agreed it was a horse — flattering Zhao Gao. A few said it was a deer.
Zhao Gao remembered the deer-sayers' names. Over the following weeks, he used the law to have each of them eliminated on unrelated charges. From this point forward, no minister dared contradict him on anything.
The phrase 指鹿為馬 — "pointing at a deer and calling it a horse" — entered the Chinese language. Two thousand years later, it still means: to insist on an obvious falsehood as a test of loyalty, and to punish anyone who refuses the lie.
The lie everyone agrees to is the lie that destroys the institution.
Zhao Gao's deer test was not about the deer. The deer test was about identifying which ministers still had the will to contradict the chief eunuch on a question of fact. Once he had filtered out the truth-tellers, the remaining ministers had publicly committed to whatever lie Zhao Gao chose to assert next. The Qin court, in two months, became a body that could no longer think clearly because thinking clearly was no longer safe. This is how institutions die. Not in a single moment but through a series of small lies that every member agrees to in order to keep their seats — until no one remembers what truth-telling sounded like, and the lies have become the operational reality.
The Duke of Pei Enters the Passes
While Xiang Yu was consolidating in the north, the Duke of Pei — Liu Bang — was moving west by a different route. Peng Yue joined him; Yong Chi's defection was reversed; the army grew. Liu Bang took the cities along the southern road to the Hangu Pass.
In the eighth month, Liu Bang attacked the Wu Pass — one of the secondary southern entries to the Qin heartland — and massacred its defenders. The pass fell. The Wei River valley opened.
Zhao Gao, in Xianyang, feared the Emperor's reaction. He pleaded illness and stopped attending court.
The chronicle's volume 8 closes here — at the threshold between the dying empire and the new one. The Duke of Pei is inside the passes. Zhao Gao has lost his nerve. Within weeks of this paragraph:
- Zhao Gao will send his son-in-law Yan Le to murder the Second Emperor at the Wangyi Palace.
- Zhao Gao will install Ziying — the First Emperor's nephew, possibly grandson — as King of Qin (not Emperor; Ziying refused the title).
- Ziying will conspire with two trusted attendants and kill Zhao Gao within forty-six days of his accession.
- The Duke of Pei will arrive at the Ba River outside Xianyang.
- Ziying will ride out of the gate in a chariot drawn by white horses, wearing white funerary robes, carrying the imperial seal, to surrender.
The Qin dynasty will end. Fifteen years after the First Emperor proclaimed it. Three years after the Second Emperor inherited it.
The chronicle does not record those last weeks in this volume; they belong to the early entries of Volume 9 — the volume of the Chu-Han Contention, in which Xiang Yu and Liu Bang fight for what is left.
But that is Volume 9.
Here ends Volume 8. The Qin dynasty is breaking, and it knows it. Chen Sheng died eight months after his rising. Xiang Liang died at Dingtao. Li Si is alive but condemned. Zhang Han has surrendered. The Second Emperor sits in his inner palace, having stopped holding court, talking only to the eunuch who is preparing to murder him. The Duke of Pei is at the gates. Xiang Yu has the largest army in the world.
The institutions the First Emperor built — the commanderies, the unified script, the standard weights, the post roads — will outlast everyone in this volume by two thousand years. The dynasty itself has weeks left.
Five Power Lessons. Three years. The end of the empire that took eight volumes to build.
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